Still drilling here, drilling now, and paying less

Just imagine how we could do if there were more oil exploration opened up!

Every so often I get little nuggets from my friend Jane Vane Ryan at the American Petroleum Institute, and today was one of those days. She actually sent me two items, and I can distill both into one high-octane post. (I thought about adding a couple more oil-related metaphors and terms to that sentence, but I’d be fuelish to do so. You have my permission to groan.)

What’s quite serious of late is the precipitous drop in the price of crude oil, which begat the unprecedented slide in gasoline prices since July. Today the API put out a Pump Price Update based on information obtained from the federal Energy Information Administration. We are now back to the pump prices in non-inflation adjusted terms we paid back in 2005, but there were two charts in the API document which truly piqued my interest.

If you look at the chart on the first page of the API report, it graphically shows the average inflation-adjusted price of gasoline from 1918-2007. At the moment, our average price is near the bottom of the charts, although there was a long and recent period where we were doing even better compared to the overall term. The spike over the last half-decade seems to coincide with the Long War, and probably began shortly after 9/11 with the uncertainty created by Islamofascist terrorism originating in an oil-rich area. Obviously the API-member oil companies made a lot of profit over that timespan as well, but for all the maligning they’ve received in the press over these supposedly ill-gotten gains, the item I’ll get to toward the end of the post will be instructive.

The other chart that I found intriging was the bar chart below the gasoline price graph, which sorted the price of a gallon of gasoline by each component. As you can see, the one constant is the tax bite, which now consists of about 26.7% of the pump price. (Yet the federal and state governments want more because they have potholes to fill, not to mention budgetary holes.) Since I can be almost certain Jane is a monoblogue fan, she may be able to answer a question I have in seeing that chart: how do you or your friends at API explain the huge share of cost for manufacturing and marketing just two years ago ($1.30 per gallon) declining to just 20 cents per gallon now? Is that a component of hurricane damage being repaired, more efficiency at the refinery level, less profit on the books, or some combination of those and other factors?

We know that crude oil is now running south of $50 a barrel when it was nearly triple that just this past summer. Yet those oil companies haven’t exactly been placing their profits in the bank and collecting the interest (which may be a good thing seeing the condition of many of our major financial institutions); instead they do things like drill a really long way down, as this AP story by John Porretto relates.

Folks, we’re talking nearly two miles deep just to get to the bottom of the water, let alone through what’s under it.

Royal Dutch Shell isn’t talking specific numbers on this exploration bid, but Porretto notes that these efforts can run into the billions of dollars. Certainly that’s not just investment in the actual oil rig and drilling down through thousands of feet of water depth, but in all the planning and permitting that’s needed to occur since they (along with partners Chevron and BP) secured the lease twelve years ago. Half that time had elapsed before they determined hydrocarbons were there – imagine if they’d started the work and found a dry hole.

This is the point those who whine about the 68 million acres or whatever is leased by oil companies but not in production don’t seem to understand; much of that area has been explored on at least a cursory basis and found to be most likely lacking enough product to make the area worth further exploration. And if you return to the API data I cited above and refer to the 1918-2007 gasoline price graph, you’ll notice that back in 1996 we were in the midst of that pricing valley. Still, Shell and its partners were interesting in seeking more domestic oil because the infrastructure was available – even with a less-than-friendly President in office at the time. (However, we had a much business-friendly Congress at the time, which provided some balance.)

The other argument drilling opponents make is that getting new oil would take years, and surely they could point to this as an example. However, it’s obvious that the technology has advanced enough to continue exploring in deeper and deeper water if that’s where the oil can be found; on the other hand the technology for many other areas of “alternative” energy and associated products would need government subsidies for a decade or more before they could reach an affordable price point for the market. Witness the Chevy Volt – a mid-size car that could well run $40,000 but qualify for a $7,500 subsidy from the federal government when (or maybe if, given GM’s current state) it comes out in 2010.

Oil companies play a high-stakes game. If the Perdido field can come through on the potential 130,000 barrels a day of “oil equivalent”, daily revenue at even just $40 a barrel would run over $5 million. Shell and its partners would surely make up a $1 billion investment fairly quickly (now THAT would be an acceptable payback period to me.)

Not only that, the federal government also collects its share in taxes and lease payments – and do you notice the oil companies aren’t in the bailout line? If anything I say makes the argument that we should drill here, drill now, and pay less, it’s my prior questioning sentence.

Will the voting ranks change?

While this could be a little bit of inside baseball for a number of readers, the Maryland Republican Party is slated to consider a different proportional voting method at its upcoming Fall convention next weekend. This voting comparison serves as a guide to what will change.

In prior years, the voting strength of each member was dictated by a formula that took the proportion of each county’s registered Republican voters to the overall state total and multiplied that by 141, which is the total number of Delegates in our General Assembly. As an example, Wicomico County (which I represent on the state’s Central Committee) has 19,380 of the state’s 925,027 registered Republicans. When you take that 2.1% and multiply it by the 141 Delegates statewide, our local voting strength is equal to 2.954 total LCD votes out of 141 – thus, far from “one man one vote”, my actual vote counts as 0.422 of a Delegate (as 1/7 of our Central Committee.) The entire nine counties of the Eastern Shore add up to 15.529 LCD votes – compare that with 18 or more LCD votes apiece held by Anne Arundel, Baltimore, and Montgomery counties.

Something that we’ve contended for quite awhile is that the Eastern Shore counties (among others) should be rewarded for outperforming our actual registration numbers. There are a lot of Democrats who stay registered that way but vote Republican more often than not in this end of the state, so this suggestion was brought up for consideration that the voting strength be recalculated based on the votes in the most recent race for President or Governor. With that, the Eastern Shore’s aggregate strength would increase by some extent to 16.676 LCD votes. However, the region which takes a large hit is the western end of the state, along with Prince George’s and Montgomery counties. Those same three counties I discussed earlier would continue to outrank the entirety of the Shore although we practically would balance out Prince George’s under the new calculation. (On a percentage basis, the biggest gainer is Somerset County, which moves out of the rankings basement to overtake Kent County. Still, neither county would even manage 1 full vote.)

But can this proposal pass, particularly as it affects one of the heavyweights and an entire region of the state? I did a calculation based on the existing numbers, and if you use an assumption that each gaining county’s full delegation votes in favor and each county which declines in strength has their delegation voting no, the result is that the motion would fail by a margin of 68.68 LCD votes for and 72.31 LCD votes against. So the forces in favor would need to convince at least some members of the recalcitrant county delegations to put aside their temporary loss of strength and vote for the betterment of the party as a whole. (Perhaps the best candidates to switch are Talbot County, which is the lone Eastern Shore loser under the plan, and dependably Republican Carroll County, which will probably return to form in 2010.) As a group, the decliners stand to lose 6.31 votes so some counties would be more difficult to convince than others.

All this could make for a contentious Saturday morning this weekend. As I said, this is inside baseball to a degree but perhaps the LCD rules are the most fair way of sharing power amongst the disparate regions of the state. I’m one of those who thinks this is a solution that rewards those counties who turn out their voters as we regularly do on the Eastern Shore.